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In addition to its unique landscapes, Western American artists were drawn to the Southwestern United States for its history and regional cultures. Fantasies of adventures on the range fueled some artists, while others turned their attention to Native American subjects.
The “Old West”—the wild adventures of rabble-rousing cowboys, suspenseful (and often violent) encounters between Native Americans and cowboys, and quieter moments on the range—is a major subject of Western American art that is present in Gallup’s New Deal art collection. Often inspired by nostalgia for a mythical West that had “passed” with the closing of the open range and relocation of most American Indian tribes to reservations, much of this imagery presents, somewhere between fact and fiction, a romanticized view of the region’s history.
Native American subjects—in portraits and scenes of everyday life—were considered both “exotic” and fundamentally and authentically “American” by many Anglo artists and their mostly urban patrons, some of whom had visited the Southwest and many who had not. Artists typically drew from academic training in Europe and the East Coast in conceiving of and constructing such paintings, but the images were also part of a larger visual culture of the tourism industry.
This wild scene of a bucking bronco and precariously tipsy rider is unusual among Gallup’s Western American paintings. Of an earlier generation than most artists from the collection, William Robinson Leigh grew up in the era of dime novels that mythologized the Old West adventures of stereotypical “cowboys and Indians.” He realized his dream to experience the West firsthand in 1906, when he ventured to New Mexico from the East Coast on the Santa Fe Railroad. He returned dozens of times, taking his drawings back to his New York studio to use as source material for his dramatic paintings and illustrations.
Horses and Whiskey Don’t Mix is one of many of Leigh’s paintings that feature a wild tussle between horse and rider, with limbs flying and dust billowing. The story plays out even more through the details Leigh included around this swirling center of motion. Having established his career as a magazine illustrator, Leigh knew how to visually tell a story and stoke the viewer’s imagination through dramatic composition and details alike.
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Where has the artist set the scene? What has happened before this moment? What will happen next?
With the arrival of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway in New Mexico in the 1880s, tourism to the Southwest steadily increased in the half century that followed. Artists were an integral part of the advertising efforts to lure tourists to the region, painting breathtaking scenery and often romanticized vignettes of Indigenous people that were made available to the American public through prints, illustrated magazines, railway advertisements, and other forms of inexpensive, popular distribution. Imagery of “untouched” desert and canyon landscapes, unique adobe architecture and ancient ruins, and seemingly timeless Native people in rhythm with nature served to sell the Southwest to those seeking a change of scenery and a novel environment.
Once arrived at various depots in New Mexico or Arizona, rail passengers could embark on an “Indian Detour,” which offered a front-row view of Southwestern history and heritage. Launched in 1926 through a collaboration between the Santa Fe Railway and the Fred Harvey Company, which operated hotels, restaurants, and gift shops at railroad stations, Indian Detours took tourists “off the beaten path.” Tour guides transported visitors by car to remote areas and to Pueblo villages, where ceremonies adapted for public viewing were performed and tourists could take in a carefully constructed experience of Pueblo culture.
Paintings picturing Pueblo life, such as the two below, share similar imagery with the culture-based tourism industry. Like postcards and advertisements of the era, artists pictured everyday domestic activities, arts and handicrafts, and dances set against the Pueblo’s characteristic architecture, the vast Southwestern landscape, or a combination of the two. Although these vignettes gave the impression of a straightforward snapshot, they were often the result of methodical staging in the artist’s studio.
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Historically, the role of portraiture in the American and European traditions has been to capture a sense of the sitter’s likeness, personality, identity, and status. Facial expressions, clothing, backdrops, and props aid in conveying these aspects of the subject. Albert Delmont Smith was a society portraitist in New York City who was particularly popular in the 1920s but later found success with commissions from the likes of President Dwight D. Eisenhower during his tenure as president of Columbia University (1948–53).
The context of Smith’s two portraits of Native American sitters in the Gallup New Deal art collections is unclear. How they made their way into the collection, who the sitters are, and why and for whom they were painted are all a mystery. They do, however, exist within and speak to a long history of Native American portraits created by Euro-American artists. In the 1800s, artists like George Catlin and Charles Bird King painted portraits in the spirit of documenting and “preserving” a “vanishing race,” as federal policies and westward settlement adversely impacted Native life and culture. By the turn of the century, photographer Edward Curtis cast a similarly ethnographic eye on Native American tribes and individual subjects. Taos Society artists, too, painted specific sitters alongside more generic, romanticized, portrait-like images of Native Americans.
For both paintings, Smith adapted principles of formal portraiture he had learned from his studies at the Art Students League in New York City. Both men are pictured half-length and at a three-quarter turn, allowing for a close visual cropping that emphasizes their clothing, accessories, facial features, and expressions. However, Smith’s representations of the men are a far cry from the East Coast society portraits for which he was known. A closer look at Chief Deer’s portrait reveals a magnificent but loose-fitting headdress and an oversized silver medallion reminiscent of those worn by Indian delegates in earlier eras. He gazes out into the distance, beyond the viewer, lips pensively sealed, a suggestion of time inscribed in the lines of his face and sagging jowls. The Half-Breed, which has suffered damage due to improper storage, pictures a younger man, slouching in ill-fitting clothing and casting a downward, withdrawn gaze.
It is unclear if the two paintings were created as a pair, but Smith most likely sent them as a set to Gallup.
As you look at them side by side, how do you read the juxtaposition between old and young, chief and “half-breed” (a derogatory term for a biracial Native American person)? What other artistic choices further emphasize each sitter’s identity (or stereotype)?
Lloyd Moylan believed that the highest purpose of public murals is to engender “universal understanding,”8 and he saw in murals a unique opportunity for public dialogue. Quite literally, he understood the process of mural-making as a chance for artists to respond in real time to public reactions to their work. Newspaper records attest that Moylan practiced what he preached and entertained visits by school children while he was working on Untitled (Allegory—History of the Region).
Moylan’s desire to create a public dialogue also manifests in attempts to relay a more inclusive and representative version of Southwestern history than was the norm for the time (one need look no further than the description of Untitled (Allegory—History of the Region) written by Gallup socialite Ruth Kirk for the typical dominant narrative [hyperlink]). This is not to say that Moylan’s rendition does not trade in stereotypes—it does. For example, rather than portray the tremendous engineering, architectural, and logistical achievements of the Ancestral Puebloans at Chaco Canyon—the hub of a vast trade network notable for its astronomological organization—on the east wall as a reflection of “pre-contact” cultures, Moylan pictures inter-tribal raiding, emphasizing exaggerated notions of warlike Indigenous peoples (with the buildings of Chaco Canyon at best hinted at in the distant background; see Figure 1).
Yet, Moylan also goes against the grain in significant ways. Notably, he gives pride of place to the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 (Figure 2), when nineteen Pueblo communities banded together to drive the Spanish out of what is now New Mexico—an event glossed over, at best, in histories of the time (and even today), despite being the only successful Indigenous uprising against a colonizing power in North America. He also alludes to the resilience of Navajo and Zuni cultures, showing how traditions such as artistry and ceremony were sustained despite the forced removal and internment (Figure 3), at a time when popular ideology mainly (and wrongly) conceived of Native peoples as being a “thing of the past” and/or as having become shadows of their former selves, pitifully unmoored from their cultural bearings.
These attempts to account for a Native perspective are faulty. For example, Moylan’s telling of the Pueblo Revolt is rife with scalping scenes. While scalping practices of Native peoples was a hot topic amongst (non-Native) historians and even doctors circa 1940, current scholarship indicates that the story that Pueblo revolutionaries scalped Spanish colonizers is a fiction.
Perhaps the most strikingly progressive aspect of Untitled (Allegory—History of the Region) is Moylan’s treatment of the events of Fort Sumner, where Navajo people were imprisoned after being violently marched from their homelands in northwestern New Mexico to a preliminary reservation in the eastern part of the state on what is known as the Long Walk. We see a group of Navajo women huddled together at the feet of US Army soldiers bearing rifles. One of the women looks directly out from the scene, as if to implicate the viewer in the event (Figure 4). She is the only figure in the mural to address the viewer, as if to say “you be the judge of history” and to thereby endeavor another of Moylan’s ideals for public art: to “bring to the surface much that is growth-provoking in the spirit of humanity.”9
Rendered in black and white, Navajo is stripped of much of the pretext and pretense of Navajo Mother-in-Law and Slim Woman and Chewing Tobacco Begay. While also a posed studio portrait of a model—perhaps the same man pictured in Slim Woman and Chewing Tobacco Begay—it presents more naturally, as if the viewer has casually encountered a horseman taking a break on the side of a trail to loosen his collar and roll a cigarette.
The figure appears completely in his element, wearing a broken-in cowboy hat the shape of which precisely mirrors the hills that stretch out behind him. The aspects that are emphasized through composition—the sitter’s strong hands and thoughtful expression—are strikingly authentic.
While thoughtfully composed, Navajo is far less engineered than its counterparts. It is essentially the obverse of Slim Woman and Chewing Tobacco Begay—although it would be easy to believe Navajo is a portrait of a friend, its title indicates none of the individuality it actually possesses.
What aspects of Slim Woman and Chewing Tobacco Begay stand out to you? What most catches your eye?
In all likelihood, your answer includes one or more of the following: the glinting turquoise jewelry worn by the sitters, the strong angles and curves of their facial features, the wide brim of man’s hat and the neatness of his hair bun (or, tsiiyéél in Diné/Navajo), the serrated edge of the blue mesa in the upper left corner.
The painting draws your attention by design. Take the the sitters’ clothing, for example. It is configured to accentuate their turquoise jewelry. The draping of the woman’s shawl and the man’s scarf give Moylan the perfect pretense for positioning their hands so as to enunciate the rings on every finger. Moylan chose turquoise’s exact complementary colors—red for the woman’s shirt and yellow for the man’s scarf—to make the jewelry stand out all the more. The skin on the sitters’ hands and cheeks is bathed in yellow highlights for the same purpose-to set off and thereby draw the gaze to their jewelry.
While, unlike Navajo Mother-in-Law, Slim Woman and Chewing Tobacco Begay clearly depicts specific people—the title references the sitters’ names or nicknames—the two paintings ultimately function much the same. Slim Woman and Chewing Tobacco Begay is a carefully composed studio portrait that, given the figures’ contrived poses and deferent downcast glances and the overwhelming emphasis on attire, reads more like a fashion spread than a character study. Ironically, this painting of two individuals is mostly lacking in individuality.
More to the point, the painting teeters on stereotypical. In pinpointing and spotlighting such recognizable cultural signifiers as traditional adornment and hairstyles and particular geographical features, Moylan is not “wrong,” per say. Though the sitters’ exaggerated physiognomies—high cheekbones, wide noses and large lips—nearly cross the line into prejudice (think: cigar store “Indians” or sports team mascots), the turquoise, the mesa, and the tsiiyéél, are inextricably Navajo. It is no wonder a painting like this would scream “Navajo” to (non-Navajo) 1930s art critics.
Yet it is what might be termed “tokenized Navajo.” Slim Woman and Chewing Tobacco Begay projects superficial aspects of Navajo culture (that which can be gleaned through observation), which also happen to be the most commodifiable, and therefore the most valued, aspects within an extractive cultural economy such as that of 1940s Gallup. Rather than a true representation of Navajo culture, the painting is thus a representation of a non-Native person’s appreciation of Navajo culture. In this way, Moylan’s portraits align with the turn-of-the-20th-century tradition of reductionist Native portraiture.
Navajo Mother-in-Law is a clumsy attempt to visualize the Navajo practice of having no direct interaction between mothers-in-law and their sons-in-law. A traditionally dressed Navajo woman (the title figure) turns her head and covers her face with a shaw as a man on horseback (presumably her son-in-law) approaches. The painting is not meant to be a portrait of an individual, but a diagram of a cultural ethic.
Indeed, the mother-in-law is portrayed without any facial features, rendering her purely symbolic. The theatrical framing—timber posts and drapery create a kind of proscenium arch with the fabric mimicking the appearance of stage curtains—underscores the painting’s performative qualities.
Moreover, Navajo Mother-in-Law has attributes of a still life painting: the incidental saddle carefully positioned in the corner; the stiffness of the woman’s skirt, which looks chiseled from wood, almost giving her the impression of a doll or carving. A generous reading of Navajo Mother-in-Law is that it is the artist’s attempt to record/convey a foreign custom. But in the ways that it makes spectacle of, packages, and peddles Navajo culture, Navajo Mother-in-Law epitomizes the socio-economic dynamics of 1940s Gallup.
Though Austrian-born and academically trained in Vienna, Joseph Fleck (1892–1977) ultimately found his inspiration in Taos. His first taste of the Taos Society of Artists’ colorful paintings of the Southwest happened at a 1924 exhibition of their works in Kansas City, where he had emigrated from Austria two years prior. After visiting Taos that same summer and moving there permanently the following year, he struck up a friendship with Ernest Blumenschein, one of the original Taos Society members. Like Blumenschein and others of the Society, Fleck drew inspiration from his surroundings, which he painted with bright colors and an emphasis on the vast landscape and local people.
Under Fleck’s paintbrush, a seemingly ordinary, everyday activity such as gathering water becomes monumental and enduring in the visual language of the Euro-American way of painting and viewing. The full-length figure nearly fills the vertical axis of the painting, and her steady gaze and stride convey a sense of purpose in the task at hand. From head to toe, Fleck pictures the girl with Native accoutrements, from the white deerskin moccasins on her feet to the pot she carries atop her head. He places her in nature, embedding the figure in the setting with feet anchored in the land, upper body in the realm of the sky.
While the artist was certainly familiar with the landscape that surrounded him in Taos, it is unlikely that he experienced the scene as he painted it, despite its feeling of immediacy. Photographs of Native American models posing in artists’ studios reveal the staging that came into play in the creation of such paintings.
This undated photo shows artist E. Irving Couse, founding member and first president of the Taos Society of Artists, at work in his studio, painting model Jerry Mirabal.
This undated photo shows artist Joseph Henry Sharp, founding member of the Taos Society of Artists, at work in his studio, painting an unidentified model.
xIllinois-born Elbridge Ayer Burbank, perhaps best known for his 1899 painting of Geronimo, devoted his career to painting Native American subjects. From Oklahoma to Arizona and beyond, Burbank painted over 1,200 portraits of Native Americans and published his images and experiences in the 1944 book Burbank Among the Indians. In addition to the portraits, Burbank included in the book a handful of scenes illustrating cultural practices and specific places.
Burbank accompanied the illustrations with a text that describes the social organization, agricultural methods, and details of daily life among different tribes. In a section titled “The Fascinating Pueblos,” he describes the Hopi as “charming, hospitable and peace-loving people,” but, paternalistically, proclaims that “yet four centuries of contact with the white man find the Pueblos still living primitively in isolated tenements constructed of clay in the characteristic architecture which has so greatly influenced our own throughout the Southwestern states.”
This small oil painting, titled Hopi Indian House, emphasizes this characteristic adobe architecture with its closely cropped, tightly focused composition. Small figures dot the scene as they go about their daily lives. A ladder stands in the very center of the picture, and with the stepped wall to its left, invites the eye to explore the scene through this zigzagging visual path.
Though a standalone painting, it resembles an illustration of the Hopi village of Walpi that Burbank included in his book, and it also echoes representations of this and other Pueblo villages on postcards.
As you look at the three images, how do they characterize the Pueblo (people and place), and what do they emphasize?
This souvenir colorized photo postcard was first published in 1937 by the Lollesgard Specialty Company of Tucson Arizona as part of its “Indian Life of the Southwest” series. It pictures the Hopi village of Walpi.
Burbank’s illustration of the Hopi village of Walpi from his 1944 book, Burbank Among the Indians.
Image Use Notice: Images of Gallup’s New Deal artworks are available to be used for educational purposes only. Non-collection images are subject to specific restrictions and identified by a © icon. Hover over the icon for copyright info. Read more
Gallup’s New Deal art collection consists of over 120 objects created, purchased, or donated from 1933 to 1942 through New Deal federal art programs administered by President Franklin D. Roosevelt to support artists during the Great Depression.
The Gallup New Deal Art Virtual Museum features three types of exhibits, combining traditional and non-traditional approaches to illuminate academic, creative, and individual understandings.
Gallup’s New Deal art collection includes works by a demographically, professionally, and stylistically diverse group of named and unnamed artists.